Fachhochschule Nordwestschweiz Musik-Akademie Basel Hochschule für Musik Schola Cantorum Basiliensis Masterarbeit Picturing the Flute of MAXIMILIAN I: A Study of thE Transverse Flute AND ITS SYMBOLIC USE AS A POLITICAL INSTRUMENT IN the Mummeries of Freydal Von Holly Scarborough Betreuender Dozent: Martin Kirnbauer Hauptfach: Traversflöte (Mittelalter–Renaissance) Hauptfach-Dozent/-in: Johanna Bartz & Marc Lewon Datum des Masterkonzerts: 10. Juni 2022 Abgabedatum der Masterarbeit: 4. April 2022 1 Contents FORWARD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 INTRODUCTION Maximilian I as Image Maker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 1 APPROACHING FREYDAL 1 On Mummeries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 2 On Accuracy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 3 Five Parts of the Freydal Book Plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 2 Musical Scenes In Freydal's Mummeries 1 Investigating Artistic Differences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 2 Analysis: Flute Color and Size. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 20 3 Costumed and Masked Musicians. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . 25 4 Musicians in Motion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 5 Flutes in the Frauenzimmer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 3 Dance Music: Functional or Artistic? 1 Flute and Drum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 2 More than Military: Types of Flutes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 3 Documented Pfeifer . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 4 Flutes in Other Ensembles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 4 Symbolism in Freydal 1 Order of the Golden Fleece: The Crusading Flute. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 2 Imperial Eagle: The German Flute. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 3 Sirens: The Seductive Flute . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 CONCLUSION The Merriest King . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Appendices 1 Catalogue of Flutes in the Rome Sketches of Freydal .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 2 Catalogue of Flutes in the Washington Watercolors of Freydal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 3 Catalogue of Flutes in the Rome Sketches of Freydal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 4 Artists of the Vienna Freydal and Instrumentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 5 Maximilian's Payments to Flute Players in 1500 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 6 Illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 2 Forward Why, I wondered, would the Holy Roman Emperor, who had dozens of instrumentalists at his disposal and splurged on his dances, choose to show the humble, ubiquitous flute and drum instead of the alta capalla on thirty-one folios of the Freydal mummeries? When I encountered Moritz Kelber's work which focused on the political presence instrumentalists exerted, it caused me to reflect on how the image of flute players could have served Maximilian's political reputation. Upon reading Nicole Schwindt's book, Maximilians Lieder, I learned that ladies at court, with their mixed backgrounds, practiced dancing constantly with the flute and drum; some princesses are even recorded as employing their own players. Something seemed to be missing in a narrative that tended to show the transverse flute before the advent of the flute consort as an instrument of poverty, shrill signals, rustic playing technique, and illiterate soldiers. To investigate the role flutes played in courtly dance music, Freydal became the focal point for my research, and I hope to show that it deserves to be considered as an important source along with Virdung and Arnt von Aich when discussing the birth of the Renaissance flute. It has been a gift to be able to study at the Schola Cantorum Basiliensis, and I'll always treasure my years here. The collection of the Basel University Library continues to amaze me, and the librarians have been very kind in their help. Dr. Stefan Krause, whom I consider the Freydal expert, the Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, Dr. Helen Coffey, and Dr. Larry Silver all graciously responded to my queries, and I thank them for their time and assistance. I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisors: Prof. Dr. Martin Kirnbauer, for guiding my reading and research and teaching me to question my assumptions; Prof. Johanna Bartz, for showing me the incredible range of expression possible on a Renaissance flute and encouraging me to explore music for the flute and drum; and Prof. Dr. Marc Lewon, for sharing his passion, knowledge, and commitment to getting things right. I also thank Liane Ehlich, who opened the world of medieval and Renaissance flutes to me and has worked to collect a significant database of flute iconography, Véronique Daniels for teaching me the beauty of Renaissance dance, and Mara Winter, whose discussions always refresh and inspire. My parents, Ted and Sue Debus, instilled in me a sense of optimism and an engagement with the arts. Thanks for showing me what life is about. And finally, I thank my husband, Chris Scarborough, and our children, Daisy, Declan, and Lucy, who not only accommodated but encouraged my deep, wild dive into studying medieval and Renaissance music. 3 Abstract The mummeries, or masked dances, of Freydal (1512–1515), one of Maximilian's allegorical autobiographies, are a realistic portrayal of a flamboyant form of courtly entertainment denounced by the Church, and its colorful miniatures reveal thirty-five transverse flutes with diverse sizes, bore-widths, and colors, reflecting a transitional decade in the history of the flute. Noble ladies hosted these mummeries in their Frauenzimmer, where flutes and drums were also important for dance practice. The flutes of Freydal appear mostly in ensemble with drum, but also with trombone, other flutes, and singers, and historical records list dance and military flutes separately, suggesting that the quality of Maximilian's flute-and-drum music was closer to the revered alta capella than the military duo. Flutists, who were likely multi- instrumentalists capable of doubling and reading notation, wear black silk masks and matching costumes with Freydal's dancers, indicating an elevated social standing. By attaching himself to transverse flutes in his paper propaganda, Maximilian evokes the glory of crusade, local German tradition, and sensual, humanist ideals, thus marketing himself as "the merriest king." 4 INTRODUCTION Maximilian I As Image Maker Barack Obama was the first world leader to open a Twitter account, and now many politicians recognize the power that social media offers in terms of boosting one's public image, building a national identity, and increasing local and global influence. Five hundred years ago, one powerful ruler's embrace of new media was similarly prescient; Maximilian I, who wore the titles of Archduke of Austria, King of the Romans, and Holy Roman Emperor until his death in 1519, was the first world leader to take advantage of the potential of the printing press. He used this wide-reaching communication technology often and well; because of his calculating drive to both craft his public image and unite his far-flung empire, Maximilian devoted himself to numerous, ambitious printing projects, such as the Triumphal Procession series (over one- hundred meters long), the Triumphal Arch (three-and-a-half meters high), and the allegorical autobiographies of Weisskunig (illustrated with 251 woodcuts), Freydal, and Theuerdank.1 These works synthesized the contributions of accomplished artists, writers, and calligraphers in Maximilian's circle. As Larry Silver writes, he wanted his paper propaganda "to circulate throughout the breadth of his vast territories …. [he] embarked on a public relations campaign of his own, addressed to both his peer princes as well as to what was called the common man (gmeiner man). His goal, like all rhetoric, especially political rhetoric, was the formation of subjects."2 It is with this appreciation of Maximilian as "image maker" that I would like to approach his tournament- and dance manuscript of Freydal and the transverse flutes it depicts.3 1 Of the autobiographies, Weisskunig and Theuerdank are freely accessed online: Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor, "Der Weisskunig," compiled by Marx Treitzsaurwein, edited by Alwin Schultz. Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des Allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses, 6 (1888), http://digi.ub.uni- heidelberg.de/diglit/jbksak1888/0012; Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor, Theuerdank (Nuremberg: Schönsperger, 1517), https://www.digitale-sammlungen.de/en/view/bsb00013106?page=19; the complete Vienna Freydal miniatures can be found in large, color format in Stefan Krause, ed., Freydal: Medieval Games; The Book of Tournaments of Emperor Maximilian I= Das Turnierbuch Kaiser Maximilians I. = Le Livre Des Tournois de L’empereur Maximilien Ier (Cologne: Taschen, 2019). 2 Larry Silver, Marketing Maximilian: The Visual Ideology of a Holy Roman Emperor (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008), p. 235. 3 Ibid., p. x: Silver shares the unique angle from which he wrote his book: "This book studies a ruler as image maker, not an agent of political history." 5 Tournament books were a popular way to preserve "the honourable memory of the German nobility and gentry," according to Georg Rüxner, who made his own tournament book in 1530.4 Freydal, a fictionalized autobiography in which the knight Freydal represents Maximilian, echoes the tradition of medieval epics that Maximilian had recorded on parchment in the Ambraser Heldenbuch, such as the Lay of the Nibelungs and Moriz von Craûn. Like Moriz, who competes in tournaments to prove his love of a lady, Freydal embarks on a path of tournaments and dances that leads to marriage with his own lady. Freydal shows its hero visiting a series of sixty-four courts, at each one taking part in multi-day tournaments and dances. For Maximilian, these were not just the things of legends; he also participated in elaborate tournaments and dances himself. A critical chronicler condemned such a tournament in Nuremberg in 1491; he claimed that the whole indulgent event, full of knightly games, dancing, and a banquet with 240 types of food, cost more than 1,000 Gulden.5 (An average house at that time cost 150 Gulden; an experienced solider earned eight Gulden per month.)6 Freydal reflects the joy and light-heartedness that comes with knightly adventure, sumptuous entertainment, and the pursuit of love. It positions itself as the first half of a two- part volume; its free-spirited "comedi" is the counterpart to the serious "tragedy" of the subsequent Theuerdank.7 Freydal contains one specific, recurring dance scene within it: the mummery.8 In the first chapter of this thesis, "Approaching Freydal," I will define mummeries and describe how Maximilian depicted them in this work. This is an important part of understanding the role of the flute within these scenes. Uta Henning, in her 1987 investigation of the instruments in the 4 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games; The Book of Tournaments of Emperor Maximilian I (Cologne: Taschen, 2019), p. 14. 5 Monika Fink, "Turnier- und Tanzveranstaltungen am Hofe Kaiser Maximilians I," in Musik und Tanz zur Zeit Kaiser Maximilian I: Bericht über die am 21. und 22. Oktober 1989 in Innsbruck abgehaltene Fachtagung, ed. Walter Salmen, Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Musikwissenschaft 15 (Innsbruck: Helbling, 1992), p. 41. 6 Rainer Gstrein, "Stadtpfeifer und fahrende Spielleute in Nördlingen und Ravensburg in maximilianischer Zeit," in Musik und Tanz zur Zeit Kaiser Maximilian I: Bericht über die am 21. und 22. Oktober 1989 in Innsbruck abgehaltene Fachtagung, ed. Walter Salmen, Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Musikwissenschaft 15 (Innsbruck: Helbling, 1992), p. 72; soldiers' earnings are presented in Douglas Miller and Gerry A. Embleton, The Landsknechts (London: Osprey Publishing, 1976), p. 6. 7 L. Silver, Marketing Maximilian, 2008, p. 7. 8 The word mumerey could also be translated as "masquerade" or "masked ball." I will use the term mummery since it maintains similarity with the original word and demarcates Maximilian's mummeries from other, later masked dances. 6 artistic output of Maximilian, calculated that fifty-two transverse flutes appear in his combined works.9 This is relative to thirty-eight trumpets, twenty-seven shawms, seventeen trombones, sixteen fiddles, and fifteen lutes. The only instruments that exceed the number of flutes are drums (sixty-four) and horns (sixty-two). It would be easy to mistakenly infer from this tally that flutes were an extremely popular instrument of the time or region, or perhaps one of Maximilian's personal favorite instruments. Such simple addition would be misleading, however, since the numbers are hopelessly skewed; more than two-thirds of the total transverse flutes belong to a single work: Freydal.10 Without this source, the total representations of the flute would be equal to those of the lute. Furthermore, the Freydal flutes solely appear in the context of the mummery. Therefore, a summary of mummeries begins this thesis. In Chapter 2, "Musical Scenes in Freydal's Mummeries," I will analyze the iconography of the flutes and their players. The apparent sizes and colors of flutes are summarized here, along with which side of the body the flutes are held on. In addition, the wearing of costumes and masks by musicians is documented and analyzed in terms of what it reveals about social status. Then, the various positions of musicians and evidence of movement are noted, contributing to a broader understanding of the performance practice of dance musicians. Finally, I will explore the connection between women and the flute in a study of the setting of the mummeries, the Frauenzimmer.11 Chapter 3, "Dance Music: Functional or Artistic?," examines the flute's various performance contexts, the question of whether or not it could participate in artistic ensembles is revisited. Freydal was created between 1512 and 1515, a particularly dynamic period in the history of the flute; the theorist Sebastian Virdung in Basel had only recently depicted the Zwerchpfeiff and described it as a military flute to be played with the drum,12 and Martin Agricola in 9 For a list of instruments depicted in Genealogy, Saints, Prayer Books, Triumphal Arch, Freydal, Weisskunig, Theuerdank, and Triumphal Procession, see Uta Henning, Musica Maximiliana: die Musikgraphiken in den bibliophilen Unternehmungen Kaiser Maximilian I (Neu-Ulm: Stegmillen, 1987), pp. 49–53. 10 Thirty-five transverse flutes are in Vienna Freydal, or 67% of all Maximilian's total depicted transverse flutes. 11 For a full description of Frauenzimmer, see Nicole Schwindt, Maximilians Lieder: Weltliche Musik in deutschen Landen um 1500 (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2018), pp. 69–79. Literally "women's room," this term refers to a dedicated ladies wing at court, managed by the noblewoman of the court. I will use the German word. 12 Sebastian Virdung, Musica getutscht und auszgezoge[n] durch Sebastianus virdung Priesters von Amberg vnd alles gesang auß den noten in die tabulaturen dieser benanten dryer Instrumenten der Orgeln: der Lauten: und 7 Wittenberg had yet to document the flute consort of four Schweizerpfeiffen.13 Meanwhile, around 1515 in Cologne, a collection of music is printed which is the first to specify the transverse flute as an instrument capable of participating in polyphonic art music.14 A copperplate engraving by Andrea Previtali from the same time period is the clearest early representation of a 3-flute consort, even showing a part book.15 This cluster of documentation of the instrument in the second decade of the sixteenth century is all the more remarkable given its scarcity in the fifteenth century. Keith Polk writes, "One of the inexplicable mysteries of late medieval instrumental music was the disappearance of the transverse flute from conventional practice, among both professionals and amateurs. The instrument had been known in the earlier middle ages, but vanished from iconographical sources through almost the entire fifteenth century… One kind of transverse flute was coupled with the field drum and became associated with the dreaded Swiss infantry…but [it] seems to have been linked to a tradition of martial, functional music that had little connection, apparently, with more artistic ensembles… In any case, while the transverse instrument regained a more musical role in the early sixteenth century it seems to have had little place in late medieval musical practice."16 Thus, the flutes shown in Freydal emerge at a key moment in the history of the flute: they straddle the traditional categories of functional and artistic, medieval and renaissance, and they herald an upcoming century of popularity after a century of invisibility. der Flöten transferieren zu lernen. […] Basel: [Michael Furter], 1511), fols. Biii(v) and Civ(v), https://doi.org/10.3931/e-rara-8661. 13 Anne Smith, "The Renaissance Flute," in The Early Flute, ed. John Solum (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), p. 17; for the first mention of the flute consort, see Martin Agricola, Musica instrumentalis deudsch (Wittenberg: Rhau, 1529), fols. Xii(r)–xivv(r), https://mdz-nbn-resolving.de/details:bsb10187561. 14 The date is suggested by N. Schwindt, Maximilians Lieder, 2018, pp. 526–527; [Liederbuch]: [bestehend aus vier Stimmbüchern], [Gedruckt yn Coeln]: [durch Arnt von Aich], [1518], Universitätsbibliothek Basel, Mscr F IX 63:1-4, https://doi.org/10.3931/e-rara-16454: the tenor partbook lists "fleiten, schwegelen, vnd an deren Musicalisch Instrumenten. 15 Andrea Previtali [Berbenno c1470 – Bergamo 1528], Drei Flötenspieler, 1510/20 Bergamo (?), copperplate engraving (146 x 123 mm), British Museum; the image can be viewed at Albert Jan Becking and Liane Ehlich, "Ikonographie der Renaissanceflöte," last revised November, 2008, http://www.renaissanceflute.ch; the engraving is also discussed in Albert Jan Becking, "Pfeifen und Flöten, Pfeifen oder Flöten: Zur Entstehung des Flötenconsorts um 1520," Glareana 56, no. 1 (2007): p. 34, http://www.gefam.ch/en/glareana_en/?p=52. 16 Keith Polk, German Instrumental Music of the Late Middle Ages: Players, Patrons and Performance Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 41. 8 In Chapter 4, "Symbolism in Freydal," I will reflect on what Maximilian's political motivation could have been for representing the transverse flute. In other words, what message was he transmitting about himself, his empire, and the German tradition by including this instrument's image next to his own?17 Silver writes in Marketing Maximilian, his book about the emperor's cutting-edge public relations campaign, "As…cultural anthropologists have reminded us, much authority is consolidated, even engineered, through public manipulation of shared symbols and through appeals to common tradition. Even for the seventeenth-century kingship of Louis XIV, surely the most absolute of absolute rulers in the West, the presentation of both the king's own features and of the symbols of the nation he ruled remained paramount concerns."18 The purpose in writing this thesis is twofold: first, to present the diversity of flutes and flute performance practice around 1500; and second, to understand the extent to which the transverse flute was used by Maximilian as a political instrument, a "public manipulation" of a shared symbol, on the pages of Freydal. 1 Approaching Freydal 1.1 On Mummeries Dancing was essential to court life in Germany; Polk emphasizes that by 1500 it had reached the level of "mania."19 Mummeries, which are costumed dances, were popular in the countryside and cities, and they are the earliest costumed dances to appear at courts, remaining a fixture of evening celebrations through the entire sixteenth century. Their increasingly elaborate sequences of acts, instrumentation, and scenery eventually led to the 17 For a full explanation of music being part of political practice, see Moritz Kelber, Die Musik bei den Augsburger Reichstagen im 16. Jahrhundert (Munich: Allitera Verlag, 2018), especially p. 391: "Zu fragen wäre in diesem Sinne nicht nach der Wechselwirkung von 'Musik' und 'Politik' als verschiedene Systeme, sondern nach Musik als Teil politischer Praxis." 18 L. Silver, Marketing Maximilian, 2008, p. vii. 19 K. Polk, German Instrumental Music, 1992, p. 118. 9 ballet, the most popular dance in the Baroque era.20 A variety of festive events such as baptisms and weddings featured mummeries, as detailed in the account the wedding of Margrave Kasimir of Brandenburg and Susanna von Bayern during the Augsburg Reichstag of 1518.21 Mummeries were also popular during the festivities of Fasnacht, although they were by no means chiefly relegated to the season of Shrovetide. This is a distinction that is too often blurred today.22 Maximilian reportedly hosted so many mummeries that describing all of them would take too long.23 He also actively took part in the dancing, although he did not take after his father in this habit.24 Before mummeries became popular in Germany, they can be traced to Burgundy in the 1470s or 1480s. According to Maximilian's Weisskunig autobiography, he "heard much in his youth about banquets and mumereyen, which other kings held. So he had the desire and informed himself with much effort in what manner and according to what custom such a king would arrange his banquets and masquerades. He spared no costs or efforts for them; for no one can invent such a thing by himself, he must have a procedure, instruction, and experience... These brought him prizes at tournaments and honor at festivals. Not that he was a 20 For an extensive description of mummeries, see Claudia Schnitzer, Höfische Maskeraden: Funktion und Ausstattung von Verkleidungsdivertissements an deutschen Höfen der Frühen Neuzeit, reprint 2014 (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 2014), pp. 62–111. 21 Walter Salmen, "Musik und Tanz bei Hochzeiten um 1500," in Musik und Tanz zur Zeit Kaiser Maximilian I: Bericht über die am 21. und 22. Oktober 1989 in Innsbruck abgehaltene Fachtagung, ed. Walter Salmen, Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Musikwissenschaft 15 (Innsbruck: Helbling, 1992), p. 29. For an account of the mummery at Michael von Wolkenstein's wedding, see Quirin von Leitner, Des Kaisers Maximilian I: Turniere und Mummereien (Wien: Adolf Holzhausen, 1880–1882) p. vn2. For flutes and drums at weddings in general, see Nancy Hadden, "From Swiss Flutes to Consorts: History, Music and Playing Techniques of the Transverse Flute in Switzerland, Germany and France ca. 1470-1640" (PhD diss., The University of Leeds, 2010), pp. 105–106. 22 This conflation of mummeries and Fasnacht appears, for example in Helen Coffey, "Musicians for Dance Music," in Musikleben des Spätmittelalters in der Region Österreich, accessed July 2, 2021, https://musical-life.net/kapitel/musicians-dance-music, in which a miniature from Freydal is labeled "A courtly Vasnacht dance." In addition, after translating the word mummerej to "masked dances," Lasocki adds the parenthetical "during Fasnacht." See D. Lasocki, "A listing of Inventories and Purchases of Flutes, Recorders, Flageolets, and Tabor Pipes, 1388-1630," in Musicque de Joye: Proceedings of the International Symposium on the Renaissance Flute and Recorder Consort, Utrecht 2003, ed. David Lasocki (Utrecht: STIMU, 2005), pp. 475– 477. 23 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games, 2019, p. 112: "mumereyen und die frewdenreich päß, die er gehalten hat […] beschriben," so wäre dies "zu lang gewest." 24 M. Fink, "Turnier- und Tanzveranstaltungen," 1992, p. 41: "Im Gegensatz zu seinem Vater, der zu sagen pflegte, daß er lieber fieberkrank wäre, als daß er sich zum Tanzen nötigen ließ, nahm Kaiser Maximilian selbst auch an den Tänzen teil und erweiterte sie dann mit eigenen Inventionen, vor allem in den Mummereien." 10 spectator, but rather to the joy of his people and to the honor of the foreign guests he took part in every way and was particularly glad to masquerade, where he had his own pleasures and each time thought up a special mask and shape."25 Moritz Kelber, while acknowledging that such praise is exaggerated, nevertheless identifies the high importance that Maximilian places on festive dance events as part of his public relations strategy.26 One effect of his mummeries was that the ladies loved him for them. Historia Friderici et Maximiliani maintains that Maximilian enjoyed "dancing before everyone wearing a mask and sporting the national costume of some randomly picked people. This affability and lack of arrogance made him extremely popular, especially with women, both noble ladies and those of the common people."27 Additionally, the mummeries cultivated a feeling of unification; they were no mere bacchanalian revelry nor a play put on by actors, but a high-society event in which the members of the court were both the dancers and spectators.28 The matching costumes that were worn symbolized a shared status, a signal that each one carried a personal invitation to be there and to participate. Through the uniformity of outward appearance, with no indication of rank or social position, the varying statuses of vying nobility were erased and their similarities highlighted.29 Furthermore, because dancing was a tremendously valued activity, dancing became political. For example, having one's name on the register to attend civic dances could function as the deciding criteria for whether or not one was allowed to vote, as in Nuremberg in 1521.30 In addition, Maximilian's mummeries at court partially relaxed the usual regulations of courtly life; paths of communication and opportunities for political strategizing emerged for those attending. An example of the type 25 English translation of Weisskunig chapter 34 by L. Silver, Marketing Maximilian, 2008, pp. 186–187. 26 M. Kelber, Die Musik bei den Augsburger Reichstagen, 2018, p. 123: "Die wichtige Rolle festlicher Tanzfeste am Hof Maximilians wird aus den Repräsentationsschriften des Kaisers deutlich…Diese Überhöhung ist wohl als gängiger Lobestopos zu lesen, sie veranschaulicht dennoch die enge Einschreibung von Tanz in ein Gesamtprogramm höfischer Repräsentation." 27 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games, 2019, p. 298. 28 Stefan Matter, "Der Textentwurf zum Freydal im Codex 2831* der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek," in Freydal: Zu einem unvollendeten Gedächtniswerk, ed. Stefen Krause, special issue, Jahrbuch des Kunsthistorischen Museums Wien 21 (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2019), p. 73. He also points to earlier instances of costumed courtiers and ladies dancing in the "Bal des Ardents" of 1393 and the Fasanenbankett of 1454. 29 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games, 2019, p. 374. 30 K. Polk, German Instrumental Music, 1992, p. 118. 11 of business relationship these dancers shared can be imagined from the list names on the dance register; on Vienna fol. 44, Anton vom Ross, who was both in charge of a mine at Schwaz and administered Tyrolean finances, is listed.31 Such elaborate mummeries, beloved by the ladies and offering opportunities of political gains to all, conclude each tournament sequence in Freydal.32 No choreographies for mummeries remain if they were ever recorded. Men would often perform a complex choreographed dance and then invite ladies to dance with them.33 However, women sometimes performed a mummery as well.34 The category of mummery could include dances with different moods and steps, such as moresque, pair, and circle dances, and a variety appear in Freydal (with only one moresque dance). Torches appear in most of Freydal's mummery scenes, carried by Freydal himself; some scenes could well fall into the category of "torch dances."35 Besides being categorized by dance type, mummeries can also be defined by their costumes, either with a national theme (e.g., Turkish, Burgundian, Italian, or Spanish) or a character theme (giants, soldiers, mythological gods).36 Ill. 1 shows a detail of Vienna fol. 92, with dancers wearing what Krause labels "Hungarian-inspired costumes with bird-like masks." These costumes reinforced Maximilian's political propaganda; for instance, Turkish costumes could conjure plans of crusade.37 Unique, thematic costumes made with luxurious fabrics (produced in Italy and the Netherlands) were commissioned by the presenter of the mummery or a 31 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games, 2019, 118. 32 In the written text draft, Maximilian describes each of the sixty-four events as being mummeries. In the Vienna Miniatures, folio 52 stands out instead for its depiction of an outdoor prize-giving ceremony, in which circular flower wreaths are distributed. 33 See Vienna fol. 128. 34 See Vienna fol. 152 for women wearing costumes. 35 L. Silver, Marketing Maximilian, 2008, p. 277 relates an excerpt from the 1481 Tournament Book of Rüxner about a torch dance in Heidelberg: "When the emperor danced, two counts with torches danced before him, four counts followed with torches, then the emperor and a further four counts with torches. Each of them had to perform a Vordantz with the women or girls, who would thank him." About the flute and drum's association with the torch dance, see N. Hadden, "From Swiss Flutes to Consorts," 2010, p. 106: "The earliest torch dance depicting the Swiss pair is from a Flemish Book of Hours, ca. 1500." 36 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games, 2019, p. 190. 37 M. Fink, "Turnier- und Tanzveranstaltungen," 1992, p. 42: "Die Tänzer trugen bei Mummereien Narrenmasken oder Charaktermasken, welche bestimmte Stände oder Nationalitäten darstellten; manchmal dienten selbst Mummereien der politischen Propaganda. So erschien etwa der Kaiser, wenn gerade ein Kreuzzug im Mittelpunkt der politischen Werbung stand, mit dem ganzen Hofstaat in türkischer Tracht." 12 participant who incurred the heavy costs.38 Receipts for the mummeries also itemize cloth- of-gold, cloth-of-silver, fur, precious stones, and costumes that mimic nudity.39 Costumes could also simply be themed according to one's heraldic colors; for example, Maximilian's (and Freydal's) colors were white, red, and black, as seen in Ill.2.40 In Freydal, some mummeries are shown in which men wear women's clothes.41 Like many of the mummeries pictured, written records exist which confirm this actually occurring: at a mummery in Innsbruck in 1498, Weickhart von Polheim was "in frawen cleider gecleydet."42 Although the pressure to perform according to the rules of courtly etiquette was indeed lower at a dance compared to a jousting tournament, a noble code of conduct was nevertheless demanded at such an exclusive event. This can most clearly be seen in the use of face masks at mummeries, either of black silk or of papier-mâché, to hide the identities of the costumed dancers and thereby protect their dignity. Both types of masks, as well as dancers without masks, can be viewed in Appendix 6, "Illustrations." Only Berufstänzer, who danced for payment, would dance without masks.43 Naturally, this layer of protection could be circumvented; the Duke of Orléans once intentionally set fire to dancers disguised as wild men so he could learn their identities. Hilariously, one dancer escaped recognition by hiding under the skirts of the Duchess of Berry.44 The shame arising from ill-concealed facial features was a concern of the nobility; a certain Philipp von Hirschborn's make-up painter was bribed once to use a "watery tincture [anziehendem leimwasser] as a practical joke while at a mummery hosted by Margrave Christoph von Baden.45 Wearing a mask symbolized one's status and respectability and gave one the protection of anonymity. In the registers of Freydal, Maximilian records the names of masked men who participated in the mummeries. Most of 38 Q. von Leitner, Des Kaisers Maximilian I: Turniere und Mummereien, 1880, vn2. For a full treatment of the costumes in Freydal, see Katja Schmitz-von Ledebur, "gulden stuck geclait uff welsch: Zum Stellenwert von Textilien in den Mummereien des Wiener Freydal," in Freydal: Zu einem unvollendeten Gedächtniswerk, ed. Stefen Krause, special issue, Jahrbuch des Kunsthistorischen Museums Wien 21 (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2019), pp. 115–131. 39 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games, 2019, p. 350. 40 Ibid., p. 368. 41 Vienna fols. 64, 207. 42 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games, 2019, p. 362. 43 C. Schnitzer, Höfische Maskeraden, 1999, p. 100. 44 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games, 2019, p. 386. 45 Ibid., p. 380. 13 the names listed are the boyhood friends of Maximilian's and ruling nobility in the neighboring lands of his empire. Revealing their identities after the fact way was a form of bestowing honor and privilege by association with the emperor in this elite pastime. Courtly mummeries were indoor, private events, unlike the tournaments, which accommodated broad public audiences.46 Mummeries were often either mentioned very briefly or not at all in contemporary literature. In the end, Freydal serves as the most important source of mummeries we have. Krause explains this absence of data by highlighting the hard stance the Church consistently took against mummeries, calling them depraved and blasphemous.47 He writes, "This is another reason why Freydal is such a seminal document. It offers unrivalled, and in many cases unique, insights into the world of courtly masquerades in the early modern era."48 Freydal's mummeries, a sort of underground, blacklisted courtly entertainment, renders scores of musical scenes that I will spend the next chapter of this thesis investigating. 1.2 On Accuracy From the start, the question of the accuracy of the depictions of Freydal's instruments and the visual and textual accounts of mummeries should be addressed. The first clue that survives about Freydal, a 1502 entry in Maximilian's Gedenkbuch that he used for bookkeeping asserts that the motivation for creating a book of mummeries was the preservation of historic events: "Maister Martin sol all mummery so k. Mt ye gebraucht hat in ain buch mallen lassen."49 Master Martin Trummer, actually not a typical artist but the Hofschneider, the court tailor, was deputized to make a book of illustrations of all Maximilian's mummeries, presumably because he would know better than anyone the variety of costumes and fabrics that were used. In addition to the presumably authentic costumes portrayed, real places are alluded to in Freydal: the scene of combat on horseback depicted on Vienna fol. 204 is labeled as an event from the Augsburger Reichstag ("sol das perlen Rennen sein zu 46 C. Schnitzer, Höfische Maskeraden, 1999, p. 75. 47 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games, 2019, p. 410. 48 Ibid., p. 416. 49 Q. von Leitner, Des Kaisers Maximilian I: Turniere und Mummereien, 1880, p. V. 14 Augspurg").50 Schwindt argues that the whole work contains a high degree of realism, given that the names of real men and women from the empire are listed on the registers, even if their timelines are adjusted.51 One can see that on a list of dancers, the name of Trautmansdorffer attached to the mummery on Vienna fol. 28 was crossed out, and he was instead assigned to that on fol. 32.52 The fact that corrections were made implies that the details in Freydal were not random fantasy. Furthermore, the emperor himself made minute corrections in Freydal. For instance, on Treitzsaurwein's original register of ladies' names, Maximilian added more precise titles to the names of the daughters of Albrecht IV. They initially all ended with "from Bayern," ("von Payrn"), but he changed Sidonia to "von "berpaern" (which was actually doubly adjusted from his initial correction of "niderpaern"), Sibylla became "phalczgrauin pey Rein," and to Sabina was added "herczogin Wierte(n)berg."53 Beyond the text, his personal touch in the tournament scenes is also evident. Stefan Krause credits Maximilian's familiarity with the equipment and habits of combat to be the basis for images such as the knight's lifted hand on Vienna fol. 106 (which is raised in order to protect it from recoil) and small straps used to attach hidden padding on helmets, like on Vienna fol. 90. He concludes, "These and other precise observations are the result of the Emperor's personal involvement and his interventions because, unlike the artists who executed the miniatures, Maximilian was deeply familiar with jousting and everything connected with it."54 One could wonder at the artist's relative familiarity with courtly mummeries and what that reveals about Maximilian's involvement with their depictions. Nicole Schwindt suggests that all these illustrations of Kurzweil, or courtly leisure, are more similar to reality than to fantasy.55 If the costumes, locations, names of men and women participating, and armor reflect a high degree of accuracy in Freydal, then it is possible that 50 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games, 2019, p. 359. The Pearls' Joust occurred on May 15, 1510 at the Augsburger Reichstag. 51 N. Schwindt, Maximilians Lieder, 2018, p. 81. 52 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games, 2019, p. 94, 100. 53 A. Zajic, "Rex idiographus – Bausteine zu einer Analyse der Autografen Maximilians I," in Freydal: Zu einem unvollendeten Gedächtniswerk, ed. Stefen Krause, special issue, Jahrbuch des Kunsthistorischen Museums Wien 21 (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2019), pp. 154–155. His analysis Maximilian's handwriting includes a color facsimile of the register in question. 54 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games, 2019, p. 19. 55 N. Schwindt, Maximilians Lieder, 2018, p. 123. 15 the depictions of its mummeries can contribute to a realistic understanding of instruments, musicians, and performance practice. Of course, even if Maximilian's hand brought every word and image to his liking, an underlying motivation to promote himself through his paper propaganda could mean that the actual situation was glossed to improve his image. Müller's classic conclusion about all Maximilian's commemorative (Gedechtnus) projects, that none of the texts are fictional but neither are they factual reports, must also hold true in this current study.56 Since music, as Kelber insists, is a political practice, the musical scenes as represented in Freydal communicate a meaningful element of Maximilian's political ideology.57 Knowledge that the mummery depictions are probably idealized in no way detracts from their value when they are considered as purposeful representations of Maximilian's political persona in that the musical instruments depicted are actually instruments of stately representation.58 1.3 Five Parts of The Freydal Book Plan Maximilian had once envisioned a book of mummeries as a stand-alone work, and this was eventually combined with a tournament book, resulting in the Freydal concept.59 Though begun relatively early, the Freydal book plan, like many of Maximilian's Gedechtnus projects that he planned simultaneously, was never completed.60 A set of five components remain which together create an idea of what the finished product was meant to be. Below are the elements of Freydal, with a summary of each source and how it specifically pertains to the mummeries and the transverse flute. The mummery pictures are all similar in size, 22–24 cm square. 56 Ibid., 102. 57 M. Kelber, Die Musik bei den Augsburger Reichstagen, 2018, p. 7. 58 M. Kelber, Die Musik bei den Augsburger Reichstagen, 2018, p. 34: "Musikpraxis und Musikmedien dienten Maximilian keineswegs zum bloßen Zeitvertreib, sie waren Repräsentationsinstrumente und Teile eines groß angelegten Programms herrschaftlicher Selbstinszenierung." 59 C. Schnitzer, Höfische Maskeraden, 1999, p. 88. 60 U. Henning, Musica Maximiliana, 1987, p. 37. 16 1. Rome Sketches Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 8570, fols. 103v–114v. There are twenty-seven ink sketches belonging to the Rome Freydal, twenty-two of which are mummeries. They seem to be based on other, lost sketches and most correspond to the Vienna miniatures.61 Fifteen Rome sketches of mummeries depict flutes, as seen in Appendix 1. Details from the Rome Freydal can be seen in Ills. 3 and 4. 2. Washington Watercolors Washington D.C., National Gallery of Art, Rosenwald Collection, Inv.-Nrn. 1943.3.4382– 1943.3.4398, 1943.3.4407, 1964.8.1760–1964.8.1769 [mummeries]. Twenty-eight watercolor mummeries survive, all traced in pen and ink from other drawings.62 Six Washington mummeries correspond to Rome sketches, and in each one the pen lines follow the figures and architecture in the sketches almost exactly, suggesting that the older Rome sketches were used as templates. The fine Italian paper used for the mummeries of the Washington watercolors shows the same watermark that is visible in the Vienna miniatures.63 At least three different painting styles can be discerned in the mummery images, and the artists were skilled in watercolor technique. The watercolors were an intermediary step between sketch and miniature, to test colors and design. Fourteen Washington watercolors depict transverse flutes (see Appendix 2). A detail can be seen in Ill. 5. 3. Vienna Miniatures Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Kunstkammer, Inv.-Nr. KK 5073. There are 255 paper miniatures of the Vienna Freydal, and 64 of them are mummeries. Fourteen pages of names begin the book, starting with the ladies before whom Freydal 61 S. Krause, "Freydal, das Turnierbuch Kaiser Maximilians I. – Werkbeschreibungen," in Freydal: Zu einem unvollendeten Gedächtniswerk, ed. Stefen Krause, special issue, Jahrbuch des Kunsthistorischen Museums Wien 21 (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2019), p. 189. 62 K. Schenck, "Jousting and Jubilation: A Technical Investigation of the Washington Freydal," in Freydal: Zu einem unvollendeten Gedächtniswerk, ed. Stefen Krause, special issue, Jahrbuch des Kunsthistorischen Museums Wien 21 (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2019), p. 159–167. 63 S. Krause, "Freydal, das Turnierbuch Kaiser Maximilians I. – Werkbeschreibungen," 2019, pp. 196-315. See also Eva Michel and Maria Luise Sternath, Kaiser Maximilian I. und die Kunst der Dürerzeit (München: Prestel, 2012) p. 284. 17 presented tournaments and dances and finishing with the names of the men who participated.64 The pictures are attached to each verso side (the recto side is blank) and are made with tempera, watercolor, and gold and silver leaf. The goal was to transform these miniatures into distributable prints by making woodcuts; this collection now in Vienna, then, was Maximilian's personal copy, of which some images are finished miniatures while others remain more like sketches. Thirty-four mummeries show transverse flutes (see Appendix 3).65 4. Woodcuts Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, Inv.-Nr. D428. [Printing block for mummery woodcut, Meder 250] There are a total of five Freydal woodcuts; just one is a mummery, and this does not depict any instruments. (This corresponds to Vienna fol. 88, which also does not show instruments.) The woodcuts are attributed to Albrecht Dürer.66 The final Freydal print was to consist of colored woodcuts and text and probably would have been similar in style to Theuerdank, which Maximilian published in 1517.67 5. Text Draft Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 2831*.68 Ritter Freydalb Nun wer von kurtzweil lesen wil und lustbarlichen dingen, der nem fur sich die ritterspil, da ainr nach Eer thut ringen, als ritter Freydalb hat gethon aus ritterlichem gmute. 64 S. Krause, "Freydal, das Turnierbuch Kaiser Maximilians I. – Werkbeschreibungen," 2019, p. 181–188. 65 Details from the Vienna Freydal can be seen in Ills. 1, 2, and 6–10. 66 E. Michel and M.L. Sternath, Kaiser Maximilian I. und die Kunst der Dürerzeit, 2012, p. 284. 67 Maximilian I, Theuerdank, 1517, https://www.digitalesammlungen.de/en/view/bsb00013106?page=19. 68 Transcribed by Q. von Leitner, Des Kaisers Maximilian I: Turniere und Mummereien, 1880, pp. XV–XXXVI. 18 So begins the text draft of Ritter Freydalb; the rhyming introduction invites anyone interested in kurtzweil and festive things to read about the noble knight. Kurtzweil has been defined by Schwindt as an often-used contemporary term that includes both planned entertainment and casual leisure time.69 Dating from 1512, this text was dictated from Maximilian to his secretary, Marx Treitzsaurwein. The story, an episodic account of tournaments and mummeries, describes Freydal's journey to sixty-four multi-day tournaments at the same number of courts scattered across the Holy Roman Empire, and it follows a formula in which Freydal arrives at the court of a noble lady and first participates in three days of knightly games (often competing against the lady's brother or father). The first two competitions are always combats on horseback and the third one is combat on foot. On the fourth day, he brings an entertaining mummery to the noble lady. Finally, he bids adieu to the court on the fifth day and moves on to a new court. In the Vienna miniatures, these events are shown in a fourfold rotation of folios in the order of two combats on horseback, one combat on foot, and one mummery.70 The text draft does not numerically coordinate with the Vienna miniatures, and the descriptions of the mummeries are free of identifying associations with particular people, which must have been intentional to facilitate an unproblematic pairing of word and image.71 Various adjectives are used to describe the mummeries: ridiculous, adventurous, clever, heavenly, or unspeakably wild (ganz lächerlich, abenteuerlich, klug, paradiesisch, unaussprechlich wild).72 The text never mentions any flutes. 2 MUSICAL SCENES IN FREYDAL'S Mummeries 2.1 Investigating Artistic Differences More than two dozen artists contributed to the Vienna miniatures of Freydal, sixteen of whom executed the mummeries; their techniques indicate a range of origins, including Austria, Bavaria, Augsburg, and the Netherlands.73 In addition, a letter from Maximilian reveals that 69 N. Schwindt, Maximilians Lieder, 2018, p. 67. 70 The event which once followed Vienna fol. 173 is missing, so fol. 174 was assigned to the next surviving image. 71 S. Matter, "Der Textentwurf zum Freydal," 2019, p. 77. 72 C. Schnizter, Höfische Maskeraden, 1999, p. 89. 73 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games, 2019, p. 14. 19 either text-writers or painters based in Cologne were involved.74 The possibility that the Emperor's own hand executed some parts of the paintings should also be considered, since the Vienna miniatures were in his personal possession and he is known to have made adjustments himself.75 When Quirin von Leitner studied the artwork of the miniatures in 1881, he recognized that, while each painting exhibited traditional medieval painting techniques, it was possible to categorize the works according to a particular skill level, mastery of specific techniques, or degrees of realism or mannerism, and he assigned each of the anonymous masters a number.76 He also added his own reflections on the merits of the artists, for example, calling Artist 22 the most skilled. As Erwin Pokorny recently undertook his own assessment of the painters, he further refined Leitner's basic categorization.77 It is Pokorny's modern numbering system that is used in this study and referenced in Appendices 3 and 4. Some artists included a flute in every miniature they made; for example, see Artists 17, 20, 20-A, and 25-A. For these artists, the flute was apparently essential to include in paintings of mummeries. On the other hand, artists often specialized in representing certain items, and maybe these artists were simply adept at representing flutes.78 Four artists never included a single flute in their miniatures: Artist 18-A (four folios without any instruments, and one folio featuring three shawms), and 18-C, 20-B, and 21-B, who make one miniature each, none of which show a flute. Another discovery from my investigation is that Artist 18-A and Artist 23 produced the bulk of their miniatures without any instruments at all. These two artists account for nine folios which do not show any musicians. It is unclear which circumstances, regional or otherwise, led to these artistic differences. Appendix 4, "Artists of the Vienna 74 Q. von Leitner, Des Kaisers Maximilian I: Turniere und Mummereien, 1880, p. 5: From Maximilian I to Sigmund von Dietrichstein, 14. October 1512: "der Freydal ist auch wol halb aussgemacht vnnd den maisten tail an solchem allen haben wier zu Cöln gemacht." Maximilian was living in or near Cologne from July 12, 1512 – March 7, 1513. 75 See the later addition by another hand of the dance musicians and stairs on fol. 148. 76 Q. von Leitner, Des Kaisers Maximilian I: Turniere und Mummereien, 1880, p. 6. The painters are anonymous, but fol. 116 shows an artist's monogram (NP) and the year 1515. Leitner suggests that this could stand for the Innsbruck painter, Nicolaus Pfaundler. 77 Erwin Pokorny, "Die Maler der Wiener Freydal-Miniaturen" in Freydal: Zu einem unvollendeten Gedächtniswerk, ed. Stefen Krause, special issue, Jahrbuch des Kunsthistorischen Museums Wien 21 (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2019), pp. 49–77. 78 Personal communication, Martin Kirnbauer, January 17, 2022. 20 Freydal and Instrumentation," lists the artists next to their mummeries, with a chart of their distribution of flutes compared to other instruments. It is noteworthy that Artist 23, who left five out of nine folios without instruments, was responsible for folio 148; in this miniature, a set of stairs with a small flute player and drummer are added to the front left corner, later and by another hand. Stephen Krause suggests that Maximilian could have added these musicians himself. If that is the case, then it would be clear that seeing the flute and drum on the mummery picture was important to Maximilian, something that he wanted included on the final woodcut version. It is true that instruments carried a visual power, on paper as well as in real life. Kelber writes of court trumpeters and Stadtpfeifer (city wind-players) of the time that their symbolic power lay not only in their sounded signals but also in their majestic, representative visibility.79 The flute and drum's visibility on the page, then, communicated something about Maximilian to his intended audience. The fourth chapter of this thesis will delve into these possible layers of meaning for himself and his subjects. 2.2 Analysis: Flute Color and Size In the mummeries of the Vienna Freydal, thirty-five transverse flutes are illustrated by twelve artists, offering an opportunity to compare a diverse collection of instrumental representations.80 First, although the side of the body flutes are played on is irrelevant in terms of playing technique and sound quality, I will include this data to give a thorough report.81 In all, twenty-five Vienna Freydal flutes are held to the right side of the musician's body, constituting a clear majority. (This is also the case in the other versions. In the Washington Freydal, eight out of thirteen flutes are held to the right. In the Rome Freydal, eleven out of fifteen are also held to the right.) Some artists purely show flutes on the right 79 M. Kelber, Die Musik bei den Augsburger Reichstagen, 2018, p. 345: "Die Platzierung von Hoftrompetern oder Stadtpfeifern an exponierten Orten, etwa auf Emporen und Balkonen, oder in Fenstern von Hauserkern unterstreicht einen zentralen Aspekt ihrer Rolle im symbolischen Kommunikationssystem des Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit. Als Insignien weltlicher Macht war nicht nur die Hörbarkeit ihrer Signale, sondern auch ihre Sichtbarkeit eine repräsentative Notwendigkeit." 80 Charts of the flutes and their characteristics in Freydal sources can be found in Appendix 1 (Rome), Appendix 2 (Washington), and Appendix 3 (Vienna). 81 Liane Ehlich, "Zur lkonographie der Querflote im Mittelalter," Basler Jahrbuch für historische Musikpraxis, no. 8 (1984): p. 206. 21 (see each of Artist 20's three flutes and Artist 20-A's five flutes). Other artists showed more of a mix, such as Artist 17, who made two folios with flutes on the left and two folios with flutes on the right. A reason for showing flutes held to the left side may be visual harmony; for example, Artist 19, who depicted four flutes, has all of them on the right except for one, folio 211, which shows two flutes played on opposite sides, making the duo appear symmetrical (see Ill. 2).82 There are a few folios which depict an instrument held in a grasp reversed from the modern hand position, in which the arm on the flute side of the body covers the holes of the flute closest to the face, and the opposite arm must extend to the far side of the instrument (folios 92, 175, 179). This is shown by three different artists. For an example, see a detail of fol. 175 in Ill. 6. A survey of the Freydal flutes reveals that a single artist could show the transverse flute with varying thickness, length, and colors. The details are all viable, especially since the flute in the early sixteenth century was an instrument in transition. In research investigating the differences between medieval and renaissance flutes, certain conclusions have been reached regarding design.83 For example, one hypothesis is that medieval transverse flutes had a wider bore than later flutes. The width of the flute determines in which register it sounds best. For renaissance flutes, "the slenderer the better for octave tuning and a good high register."84 In Freydal, flutes that look wider would probably be played in a lower register than flutes that are more slim (compare, for example, the flutes in Ill. 1 and Ill. 2). In Appendix 3, "Catalogue of Flutes in the Vienna Miniatures of Freydal," I have charted how slim, average, or wide the flute appears to be in comparison to tenor renaissance flutes from around 1580, which serve as models for modern replicas. With this information, the tessitura and tunings of the flutes, as well as indications about its polyphonic playing capabilities, could be inferred. Additionally, I have attempted to put each Vienna flute into the category of discant or tenor (or long tenor), which would inform what range it was played in. The metric I use for calling a flute "discant" is by discerning if the hands are held closer to the player's face, often involving 82 Herbert Myers makes the same argument for the flutists of the Triumphzug. H. W. Myers, "The musical miniatures of the ‘Triumphzug’ of Maximilian I," The Galpin Society Journal, no. 60 (2007): p. 11. 83 N. Hadden, "From Swiss Flutes to Consorts," 2010, pp. 2–16. 84 Ibid., p. 8. 22 greater elbow-bend, or if the flute rather seems shorter than arms-length.85 None of the longer flutes appear to be wide enough to sound as bass flutes.86 The apparent width and length of the Rome and Washington flutes are also noted in Appendices 1 and 2. Based on my observations, the majority of flutes across all the Freydal mummeries appear to be average tenors, that is, a flute size that is roughly equivalent to the renaissance flute copies we are familiar with today. In addition, there is a substantial proportion of flutes that fall into the shorter category of discant flutes and flutes that look slim. A chart showing my interpretation of the Vienna, Washington, and Rome flute sizes is below: Size of 35 Vienna Flutes Length 14 discant (40%) 18 tenor (51%) 3 long (9%) Width 11 slim (31%) 15 average (43%) 9 wide (26%) Total 5 slim discant,87 4 average discant,88 5 wide discant,89 5 slim tenor,90 9 average tenor,91 4 wide tenor,92 1 slim long,93 2 average long.94 85 See, for example, Ill. 6 and 7 (discant) compared to Ill. 5 and 8 (long). 86 This supports Hadden's claim that there is no evidence of bass flute before 1520. N. Hadden, "From Swiss Flutes to Consorts," 2010, p. 16. 87 Vienna fols. 120, 148, 175, 231, 255 88 Vienna fols. 36, 48, 179, 247 89 Vienna fols. 92, 168, 191, 215, 227 90 Vienna fols. 8, 44, 108, 187, 243 91 Vienna fols. 4, 16, 32, 80, 164, 199, 211 (2 flutes), 223 92 Vienna fols. 60, 156, 160, 172 93 Vienna fol. 104 94 Vienna fols. 124, 195 23 Size of 13 [12] Washington Flutes95 Length 1 discant flute (8%) 8 tenor flutes (67%) 3 long flutes (25%) Width 4 slim (33%) 8 average (67%) 0 wide Total 1 average discant,96 3 slim tenor,97 5 average tenor,98 1 slim long ,99 2 average long.100 Size of 15 Rome Flutes Length 4 discant flutes (27%) 10 tenor flutes (67%) 1 long flute (7%) Width 1 slim (7%) 14 average (93%) 0 wide Total 1 slim discant,101 3 average discant,102 10 average tenor,103 1 average long.104 The materials out of which flutes were historically made have been well-summarized.105 In short, flutes were made of boxwood (the most common wood in surviving renaissance flutes), maple (this wood has unfortunately attracted woodworms, resulting in many fewer surviving flutes), the wood of fruit trees, ebony, bone, glass, ivory. Any of the above could also be decorated with silver, or perhaps even made entirely of silver.106 Different materials produce 95 See Appendix 2. There are 13 flutes in the Washington Watercolors; Number 1943.3.4389 shows a flute but determining its size is impossible. 96 No. 1964.8.1764 97 Nos. 1964.8.1768, 1943.3.4394, 1943.3.4407 98 Nos. 1943.3.4395, 1943.3.4387, 1943.2.4384, 1964.8.1766, 1943.3.4385 99 No. 1943.3.4391 100 Nos. 1964.8.1760, 1943.3.4398 101 Rome fol. 109r 102 Rome fols. 110v, 112v, 104r 103 Rome fols. 105v, 104v, 109v, 110r, 114r, 108v, 108r, 105r, 107v, 113v 104 Rome fol. 112r 105 N. Hadden, "From Swiss Flutes to Consorts," 2010, p. 15. See also L. Ehlich, "Zur lkonographie der Querflote im Mittelalter," 1984, pp. 202–205. For a listing of inventories in which flutes sometimes appear with material qualifiers, see D. Lasocki,. "A listing of Inventories," 2005, pp. 419–512. 106 Although a metallic flute would become quite heavy, it is not out of the question. See Jeremy Montagu, "Medieval Woodwind Instruments of Silver," The Galpin Society Journal, no. 60 (2007): 224-228. 24 different timbres for the flute.107 To contribute to understanding the way dance music of Freydal sounded, I have compiled the colors of the flutes in the Vienna Miniatures.108 Color of Vienna Flutes 18 Brown109 (51%) 10 Yellow110 (29%) 4 White111 (11%) 3 Gold112 (9%) As a starting point, I used the color categories of yellow and brown. Brown flutes from the Vienna Freydal are shown in Ills. 2, 6, 7, and 9. Yellow flutes can be seen in Ills. 1 and 10. The basis for this distinction comes from a Stuttgart court inventory from 1589, which lists this item: "In a case, eight brown and eight yellow flutes, tuned together, and are to be used for instrumental music."113 Liane Ehlich suggests that the darker wood in fifteenth-century iconography could represent walnut, while earlier pictures with their yellow or golden coloring could stand for boxwood, bamboo, elder, or maple.114 Beyond yellow and brown, a third color, white, appears on four flutes of Freydal (including the three that Artist 22 painted, the artist that Leitner deemed the most skilled). This color is different than the wood of the drumsticks on the same folios and could suggest a non-wood material is contrasted. As a comparison, there are three slide trumpets on folio 96 that were originally shawms yet were painted over when they became different instruments (Artist 18-B). These trumpets have the same whitewashed look to them, and they are presumably meant to look metallic, raising the 107 N. Hadden, "From Swiss Flutes to Consorts," 2010, p. 9. 108 See Appendix 1. Note: the flutes of the Washington Watercolors (Appendix 2) are all the same neutral shade, and the Rome sketches (Appendix 3) use no color. Therefore, the colors of these flutes are absent from the catalogues. 109 Vienna fols, 4, 8, 48, 80, 120, 124, 148, 160, 164, 172, 175, 187, 191, 211 (2 flutes), 215, 243, 255 110 Vienna fols. 44, 60, 92, 156, 168, 179, 195, 223, 227, 231 111 Vienna fols. 16, 32, 36, 108 112 Vienna fols. 104, 199, 247 113 D. Lasocki. "A listing of Inventories," 2005, p. 475: "In einem fuether, acht braune vnnd acht gelbe zwerch pfeiffen, accordieren, unnd seindt zu der instrumental music zugebrauchen." English translation on p. 477. 114 L. Ehlich, "Zur lkonographie der Querflote im Mittelalter," 1984, p. 204. 25 question of if the same could be said of the three white flutes. The flute on folio 108 appears white, the same color as the skin of the drum, which would match the color of ivory. In addition, three flutes look gold, including the one seen in in Ill. 8. Such color choices could evoke a metallic material or a painted decoration. In addition, Marc Lewon observes the medieval artistic practice of representing heraldic colors by using white for silver and yellow for gold.115 It could be that the artist's choice of color for instruments was rooted in color symbolism 2.3 Costumed and Masked Musicians Out of the fifty mummery scenes in the Vienna Freydal that depict musicians, forty show the musicians wearing costumes that match either entirely or mostly with the dancers.116 The musicians in Freydal do not wear masks as a rule. This is not surprising, since dance musicians could be hired from the ranks of city Stadtpfeifer, who would belong to a more humble social class than either the dancing nobility or the court musicians, such as those in the Hofkapelle. Nobility shunned playing wind instruments, given the physical side-effect from wind-playing: faces become distorted and song and speech become blocked.117 This prejudice traces its roots to the story of poor Marsyas in Greek mythology and the goddess Pallas Athena, who experienced the shame of such facial distortion: "One day Jupiter invited all the gods for dinner. The goddess Pallas, to please her father, took her pipes and began to play; and while she thus played, her cheeks became greatly puffed up and her eyes became so red that all the gods began to laugh so hard…Thereupon Pallas grew embarrassed and left; and she went down from heaven to the swamp of the Triton and, watching herself in the water, began to play. Then she saw that her cheeks became puffed up and she realized it was 115 Personal communication, Marc Lewon, March 8, 2022. 116 See Appendices for costumes. For how to interpret the key, some examples can be seen in the Illustrations. Ills. 5 and 8 match exactly (shown by X). The musicians in Ill. 7 match except for the chunky golden chain (shown by X*). The musicians in Ills. 6 and 9 match each other and are related to the dancers in some way (M). 117 N. Hadden, "From Swiss Flutes to Consorts," 2010, pp. 256–258. 26 this that had made the gods laugh. For this reason she threw away her pipes and did not want to play anymore."118 Henning explains, "Instrumentation…depended, among other things, upon the social status of the player."119 Schwindt declares that, because of the nature of wind instruments, wind players could not possibly have come from court.120 There was a strong preference amongst most nobility for playing stringed instruments because of this bias. Two fiddle players are depicted in the Freydal mummeries; both are wearing masks (fols. 136 and 251). The question of the social class of wind players arises because there are six Vienna folios which also portray other musicians wearing black silk face masks, and five of them show, surprisingly, flute players.121 The practicality of playing through silk masks must be negotiated. Although the fiddle players and drummers could play very well behind a mask, the transverse flute players may have cut a small slit for the mouth. One could consider that perhaps the instrumentalists wearing masks is an oversight on the part of the artists. Such an error could have been later corrected in the woodcuts. However, an investigation into these miniatures reveals that four different artists were responsible for the five depictions of masked transverse flute players.122 In addition, four flute players in the Washington Freydal appear masked such as the one seen in Ill. 6.123 As outlined in Chapter 1.1, forgoing claims to status and creating a unifying atmosphere were part of mummeries. Granting some flute players a mask could signify that they had a temporarily equal social standing with the nobility, adding to the jollity and light-heartedness of the event.124 118 Emanuel Winternitz, Musical Instruments and their Symbolism in Western Art (London: Faber and Faber, 1967), pp. 164–165. 119 U. Henning. Musica Maximiliana, 1987, p. 49. 120 N. Schwindt, Maximilians Lieder, 2018, p. 89. 121 Vienna fols. 104, 112, 156, 175, 191, 199. 122 Artists 18-B, 25-B, 20-A (two) and 20-C. Folios with mask wearing-musicians are charted in Appendices 1–3. 123 In the Rome Freydal, there are no masked flute players visible, although the one facing backwards, shown in in Ill. 3, could theoretically be masked. 124 A second hypothesis is that the instrumentalists, similar to dancers, went unmasked when paid and wore masks when they had a reputation to protect. The idea that the flute players pictured in Freydal were of such high social status would require more research to prove. 27 2.4 Musicians in Motion Forty-one Vienna folios show musicians sharing the floor with dancers, whether in the center of the room, the back corner, or taking part in a procession of couples. On four other folios, the musicians are instead standing on a raised platform, stairs, or a pedestal.125 This could show a division in status between the courtly dancers and the musicians or it could be for visual or acoustic reasons. Lastly, there are five folios which show the musicians in a balcony overhead, four of which are exclusively for the musicians (one time, the balcony is shared with men and women). Large dance halls of the time featured balconies for musicians as well as a Frauenstrade, a viewing gallery for the ladies.126 Such viewing galleries can be seen in Ills. 1 and 2.Of course, the musicians' movements would be restricted while in a balcony, and they would probably have stayed stationary. Many of the folios featuring musicians on the dance floor, in all the Freydal works but especially the Rome sketches, reveal that movement, interaction, and contact amongst fellow musicians, dancers, and the viewing ladies were part of performing dance music. While many musicians' movements are illustrated by showing their stepping legs or ribbons from their arms waving in the air, there are two images I would like to highlight because of the way they especially capture flute players in motion. The first is Washington watercolor 1964.8.1760 (see Ill. 5). The flute and drum players seem to be leading Freydal and a group of dancers when it appears that the flutist turns to step in the alternate direction. He continues looking over his shoulder, towards where the drummer is still headed. The second scene involves the flutist in Rome Sketch fol. 104r, who is completely facing the back of the room, the opposite direction of the drummer (see Ill. 3). Variations of this theme, in which the musicians are facing and stepping, leading, or turning in different directions, are found in all three collections of the visual art of Freydal's mummeries. Neither the flute or the drum are directional instruments, and an elastic performance practice would add drama physically and visually, functioning without problem aurally. Today, bringing an element of dynamic movement into the performance of dance music could help shed the constraints of a modern 125 The position and movement of the represented musicians in the Rome, Washington, and Vienna Freydal are charted in Appendices 1–3. 126 W. Salmen, "Musik und Tanz bei Hochzeiten um 1500," 1992, p. 24. 28 concert tradition that is sometimes too static to make sense when paired with early music performance. Physical contact and communication between musicians appear frequently in the miniatures. For example, the flute player and drummer are often looking at each other while playing.127 Ills. 1 and 9 have flutists and drummers who seem to be attentive to each other. Some musicians' bodies are shown extremely close, and sometimes their feet even appear to be overlapping.128 Rome fol. 105r shows a flute player looking intently at the drummer as they both take lunging steps, their legs appearing to be interlocking in their intensity. In other images, the musicians seem to be interacting with the courtly dancers and viewers. Moritz Kelber emphasizes that courtly dances were often extremely complicated, which required a professional dance master and plenty of training for the dancers.129 The musicians would have needed to follow along with the choreography to know what to play. This would account for the great number of folios which show eye contact between the musicians and dancers (Vienna fol. 48) and their contact with Freydal (Vienna fol. 175).130 In addition, a musician is shown leaning back to play especially for a noble lady watching from the balcony (Vienna fol. 203). Far from providing simple background music, it appears that a musician's presence at a mummery was active, participatory, and full of motion. 2.5 Flutes in the Frauenzimmer The settings for Freydal's mummeries revolve around the world of women. Recent scholarship has begun exposing the important political roles royal women performed. In the Vienna Freydal, many queens or princesses wearing crowns are pictured. Kelber explains that there was a practical obsession with young ladies; the litmus test for a good dance event was if the organizer had arranged for the presence of plenty of young and attractive women there.131 127 Vienna fols. 108, 160. 128 Vienna fols. 104, 255. 129 Moritz Kelber, "Mit den pangeten und mumereyen wunder verpracht," in Maximilian I (1459-1519): Kaiser. Ritter. Bürger zu Augsburg, ed. Heidrun Lange-Krach (Augsburg: Schnell & Steiner, 2019), pp. 61. 130 See detail from Vienna fol. 48 in Ill. 7. 131 M. Kelber, Die Musik bei den Augsburger Reichstagen, 2018, p. 125: "Es galt als Qualitätsmerkmal eines Banketts oder eines Balls, wenn der Veranstalter für die Anwesenheit zahlreicher junger und schöner Frauen gesorgt hatte." See also M. Kelber, "Mit den pangeten und mumereyen wunder verpracht," 2019, pp. 65–66. 29 Twenty-one Vienna folios show these young maidens (Jungfrauen).132 They can be recognized by their tell-tale long, flowing hair, symbolizing sexual availability.133 In addition, seventeen Vienna folios spotlight a special woman of honor, either enthroned or standing behind a luxurious brocade.134 (See Ills. 6 and 9 for an enthroned woman and Ills. 1 and 2 for a royal woman behind a brocade.) On folio 8, the only lady wearing a crown is dancing with a masked dancer. Her act of dancing should be understood as bestowing honor on the dancer, perhaps as a reward for a special achievement.135 All but one of the dance scenes in the Vienna Freydal occur indoors, a fact clearly indicated by architectural details such as tiled floors, ceilings, arched doorways, windows, and pillars.136 Scenes of combat on foot also occur on tiled floors, indicating that they are also indoor events; mummeries following tournaments would typically be held in these same rooms that same evening.137 The location of the Freydal mummeries is described in the text draft. As an example, below is an excerpt from the text draft's description of the twenty-fifth court: "Sodann des vierden tags ist er mit frolichem hertzen zu der eerlichen gräfin mit ainer gar lustigen mumerey kumen in ir zymer vnd mit schonem hofieren genedig vrlaub erlangt, schid damit des funften tags von dannen." 138 "Then on the fourth day, he came with merriness to the honorable countess and brought an extremely amusing masquerade into her room. He enjoyed a gracious holiday with wonderful courtly pastimes, and with that took leave of them on the fifth day." (My translation.) 132 Vienna fols. 4, 16, 20, 24, 28, 32, 36, 60, 64, 72, 76, 112, 124, 144, 148, 156, 187, 211, 219, 247, 251. See Appendix 1. 133 Hanna Hopwood Griffiths, "Self and Society," in A Cultural History of Hair in the Middle Ages, ed. Roberta Milliken (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019), p. 43: "…the conventions involving hair were inextricably linked to a woman's identity. Long, free-flowing hair was the symbolic marker of maidenhood and virginity and, therefore, a woman's sexual availability. Thus, it could be seen as a marker of youth. However, because of its sexual connotations, visible long hair could simultaneously also distinguish the temptress or other 'fallen' women." 134 Vienna fols. 80, 88, 92, 112, 116, 132, 160, 164, 175, 183, 203, 207, 211, 215, 239, 243, 255 135 M. Kelber, Die Musik bei den Augsburger Reichstagen, 2018, p. 127: "Der Tanz mit einer hochrangigen Frau – etwa der Frau des Königs – galt als Auszeichnung und war mitunter sogar ein Preis für besondere Leistungen, beispielsweise bei einem Turnier." 136 Fol. 132 depicts an outdoor dance 137 S. Krause, Freydal: Medieval Games, 2019, p. 428. 138 Q. von Leitner, Des Kaisers Maximilian I: Turniere und Mummereien, 1880, pp. 25–26. 30 It states that the mummery is brought into the countess's room: "in ir zymer." At the third court, the mummery occurs in a princess's hall, "zu der furstin in irn sal." In every mummery scene of Freydal, the hero is presenting elaborate mummeries for the purpose of entertaining noble ladies in the location of their rooms. Another clue about the location of the mummeries is found in the text of the twentieth court: "Also des vierden tags ist der edel jungling [mit lieplicher] jubilierung zu der konigin in ir frauenzimer geschollen mit ainer gantz wol clugenden mumerey vnd mit hoflichen gebaerden, sich dann zymbt, hat er vrlaub empfanngen, ist damit des funfften tags aber von dannen geschaiden."139 "Then on the fourth day, the noble youth went jingling in with sweet rejoicing to the queen in her Frauenzimmer with quite a clever masquerade and with courtly gestures to suit it. With that successful visit, he left on the fifth day." (H.S.) This is the only time a woman's room in Freydal is specifically labelled a Frauenzimmer. Although it is the single occurrence of the term in this source, it is elsewhere clearly documented that Frauenzimmer were common locations for dances. For example, Princesses Anna and Maria reportedly hosted men for dances in their Frauenzimmer in Innsbruck three times a week. In addition, Maximilian would visit foreign Frauenzimmer for dancing while he was away on business.140 It appears that the sixty-two indoor mummery scenes of Freydal present a visual grand tour of Frauenzimmer of noble ladies in the early sixteenth century. What were the Frauenzimmer of these women like? Schwindt provides a picture of court life in the Frauenzimmer of Bianca Maria Sforza, Holy Roman Empress and second wife to Maximilian.141 Archival and architectural evidence remains today at the Hofburg in 139 Ibid., p. 24. 140 N. Schwindt, Maximilians Lieder, 2018, pp. 72–73. The dancing sessions in Frauenzimmer could last hours, as revealed by Anna and Maria's dances: "Diese Besuche haben in der Zeit zwischen 10 Uhr morgens (einer Stunde nach dem Frühmal) und 15 Uhr (einer Stunde vor dem Nachtmahl) stattzufinden…" "1504 schob der König selbst während eines Aufenthalts in München nach Tisch eine kleine Tanzeinlage im Frauenzimmer ein." 141 Ibid., 69–81. 31 Innsbruck.142 In Bianca Maria's Frauenzimmer, a group of about thirty women spent their days doing embroidery, playing cards, and dancing. There was also a chest of books to read.143 Their personal love lives and intimate emotions were shared.144 There was probably also a lot of flute and drum music in the Frauenzimmer. Schwindt illustrates the necessity of continuous dance training, especially given the mixed national backgrounds of the ladies at court, and comments that it made sense to practice the dance in the same way it would later occur in public: with the flute and drum. Princesses Maria and Anna supported their own flute player and drummer.145 They were regular patronesses of flute players because of the instrument's integral role in dancing. An integral part of understanding the music of the mummeries of Freydal is an appreciation of the setting; if the combination of flute and drum was the de facto instrument of the Frauenzimmer, a reason for the burst of thirty-five flutes on the pages of mummeries in their rooms begins to crystallize. Whose Frauenzimmer were they? In the text draft of Freydal, the sixty-four courts that Freydal visits are described as belonging to the following ranks of women: queens (15), princesses (13), countesses (12), baronesses (12), and noblewomen (12).146 This is somewhat 142 Nicole Riegel, "Bausteine eine Residenzprojekts: Kaiser Maximilian I in Innsbruck." In The Habsburgs and their Courts in Europe, 1400–1700: Between Cosmopolitanism and Regionalism, eds. Herbert Karner, Ingrid Ciulisová, and Bernardo J. García García [Heidelberg: arthistoricum.net, 2016 (2014) /(PALATIUM e-Publications, Band 1)], pp. 28–45. 143 Ibid., p. 73: "Eine eigene Bibliothek besaß die Königin vermutlich nicht. Dazu mag beigetragen haben, dass sie nie eine feste Residenz hatte und ihr Budget wenig Spielraum für solch kostspielige Ausgaben zuließ. Allerdings traf Maximilian am 30. Dezember 1500 Verfügungen unter anderem über Bücher, die im Innsbrucker Frauenzimmer in einer Truhe aufbewahrt wurden." 144 N. Schwindt, Maximilians Lieder, 2018, p. 72: "Bestätigt wird die omnipräsente Liebessehnsucht, die das Denken der oft unterbeschäftigten Hofdamen bestimmte, von einem lateinischen Gedicht Pietro Bonomos…In einer dichterischen Adresse an Matthäus Lang schildert er die Eintönigkeit des Alltags im Frauenzimmer… "In eine Ecke drücken sich zwei Mädchen, in eine andere drei. Den ganzen Tag verbringen sie mit viel Gejammer, alle schmachten nach ihren abwesenden Liebhabern, oft sind ihre keuschen Gesichter von Tränen feucht." (My translation: In one corner two girls are huddled together, in another corner there are three. They spend the entire day moaning, all pining for their absent lovers, and their chaste cheeks are often wet with tears.) 145 Ibid., 73: "Es steht zu vermuten, dass die regelmäßige Schulung im Tanzen musikalisch so realisiert wurde, wie der Tanz dann auch später stattfand. Indirekten Zeugnissen kann man entnehmen, dass Tanzmelodie und Rhythmus wie üblich von der Standardbesetzung Schwegel und Trommel gewährleistet wurden, zu der aber wahrscheinlich nicht die identischen Musiker herangezogen worden sind, wie sie den zahlreichen Bildzeugnissen gemäß bei den öffentlicheren Tänzen aufwarteten; zumindest der Nebenstaat von Maria und Anna alimentierte eigenes Tanzmusikerpersonal: 'der Kaiserin vnnd kunigin trumenschlacher vnnd pfeiffer,' zwen Erbar frumb gesellen.'" 146 Manfred Hollegger and Stefan Krause, "Anhang B: Die im Freydal erwähnten Namen," in Freydal: Zu einem unvollendeten Gedächtniswerk Kaiser Maximilians, ed. Stefan Krause, special issue, Jahrbuch des Kunsthistorischen Museums Wien 21 (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2019), p. 351. 32 inflated compared to the register of names of "junckfrawen und frawen namen in Germanien" that Maximilian includes in the Vienna Freydal, which begins with Kunigunde, his sister; Mary of Burgundy, his first wife; his mother, Eleonore of Portugal, and so on. By tracing the sixty- four names on his list, the categories of female nobility are spread as follows: queens (5), princesses (13), countesses (9), baronesses (9), and noblewomen (28). In the end, the ladies listed are not exclusively from "Germanien," but rather include France, Burgundy, Portugal, England, Italy, and Poland.147 The names were important to Maximilian; he corrected the details of their names in the register with his own hand. In the corresponding register of men he jousted with, there are no evidence of his personal corrections.148 By hosting elite guests for midweek dancing and special evening entertainment, Frauenzimmer functioned not only as a social center but also as a context for political diplomacy. Kelber states that women had the means of exercising political influence, citing a 1518 letter complaining that pretty daughters obtained easier access to the imperial court than sons.149 Further research can be conducted on the women whose names are documented in Freydal, whose rooms could be portrayed in the miniatures, and who may have provided patronage for flute players. 3 DANCE MUSIC: Functional or Artistic? 3.1 Flute and Drum Four arenas in which the medieval flute-and-drum appeared have been reported by Dagmar Hoffman-Axthelm: dancing, dining, as part of the Stadtpfeifer, and as part of the military.150 147 For a complete transcription of the ladies' names, identities, and rankings, see Ibid., pp. 334–351. 148 A. Zalic, "Rex idiographus," 2019, pp. 154–155. Neither are there any corrections in his own hand in the numerous sketches, miniatures, or the text of Freydal. 149 M. Kelber, Die Musik bei den Augsburger Reichstagen, 2018, p. 125: "Frauen wurden offenbar zum Mittel politischer Einflussnahme. So beklagt sich ein Regensburger Gesandter in einem Brief vom Reichstag 1518 an den Rat seiner Stadt, dass hübsche Töchter am Kaiserhof leichteren Zugang hätten als die Knaben und dass man sich durch die Schönheit der eigenen Töchter bei den höfischen Instanzen spielerisch Gehör verschaffen könne." 150 Dagmar Hoffman-Axthelm, "Zu Ikonographie und Bedeutungsgeschichte von Flöte und Trommel in Mittelalter und Renaissance," Basler Jahrbuch für historische Musikpraxis, no. 7 (1983): p. 86: "Querflöte und Trommel begegnen im 15. und vermehrt noch im 16. Jahrhundert in unterschiedlichem sozialem Rahmen; so beim Tanz, bei der Tafel, als Instrumentarium der Stadtpfeifer (sowie beim Militär in den Händen der Landsknechte." 33 The military duo of flute and drum, memorably coined "the Swiss Pair" by Polk, has been well- researched and I need not recount it here.151 Partly because of this association with the of Landsknechte, foot soldiers on the battlefield, the flute and drum have been called instruments of the poor.152 The flute was indeed an affordable instrument compared to others; it appears that at least three flutes could be bought for the price of one shawm.153 However, the flute and drum provided festive music for a variety of public occasions that transcended the boundaries of class. They played at baptisms and weddings, and to celebrate the New Year, and there are accounts of their appearance at spontaneous celebrations, such as one very cold winter day when the Rhine river froze and people danced on the ice to the flute and drum.154 One must be curious about the reasons why the Holy Roman Emperor would choose to show himself with the ensemble of flute and drum on thirty-one folios of Freydal if it was associated with poverty.155 Maximilian was known both as a great patron of music and as someone who spared no costs when it came to his elaborate mummeries, and he had options when it came to instrumentation, obviously on his painted miniatures, but also in real life. Keith Polk summarizes that in 1500, Maximilian had not only his Kantorei but also around two dozen instrumentalists at his disposal: organists, lutenists, four fiddlers, a wind band, around twelve trumpeters, and a flute-and-drum ensemble.156 It is in that context of luxurious choice that the instrumentation depictions are to be understood. Given the abundance of court musicians and composers and the variety of instrumentalists in Maximilian's court, it would have certainly been an unnecessary undermining of his musical taste had the flute-and-drum ensemble communicated a second-class status. 151 For theories about how the flute traveled from Switzerland to the courts via the exportation of the Swiss Pair, see N. Hadden, "From Swiss Flutes to Consorts," 2010, Chapter 2, pp. 54–113. 152 M. Fink, "Turnier- und Tanzveranstaltungen," 1992, p. 42. Fink calls them Armeninstrumente, while also allowing for their use at both poor weddings and royal ones. See also D. Hoffman-Axthelm, "Zu Ikonographie und Bedeutungsgeschichte von Flöte und Trommel," 1983, p. 96. 153 Othmar Wessely, "Archivalische Beiträge zur Musikgeschichte des maximilianischen Hofes," Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, no. 23 (1956): p. 127: "pfeyffen: ij guld[en]… ain schalmey: vj buld[en]." 154 Georg Duthaler, Trommeln und Pfeifen in Basel (Basel: Christoph Merian, 1985), p. 17: In Basel it happened "dasz man doruff danzet und mit pfiffen und drumen usz der grosen stat in die kleine zoch uber dasz ysz." See also pp. 12–17. 155 The flute and drum is referred to as the Normbesetzung for mummeries. See N. Schwindt, Maximilians Lieder, 2018, p. 81. 156 K. Polk, German Instrumental Music, 1992, p. 92. 34 The flutists and drummers shown in Freydal, while uniformly engaged in the broad category functional music like the military Swiss Pair, served a different function: playing dance music, which was performed indoors, not outdoors, and they were likely playing familiar, recognizable melodies.157 Was this music necessarily so dissimilar from that of artistic ensembles? The fact that the musicians are not reading from written music does not mean that the music they played was improvised; Strohm summarizes the difference between written and unwritten music as "a difference of practices, not of repertories."158 Instrumentalists could very well play borrowed vocal music that was "formally strict, premeditated and composed in the mind."159 The preference for the flute and drum in Freydal stands in contrast to the ensemble one would normally expect to see providing courtly dance music: the alta capella.160 Although Freydal does show shawms and trombones a handful of times, Schwindt notes that it was not the standard ensemble and raises the possibility that this could simply be a projection of Burgundian practice.161 Instrumentalists of the alta capella were certainly present at court and did provide dance music. For example, the visiting Flemish courtier Antoine de Lalaing once recorded that trumpets and Swiss drums played music at Maximilian's court after a banquet for Maximilian's son, Philip the Fair, accompanying dances which were "à la mode d'Allemaigne."162 Any instrumental combination could have been offered for the dancers: 157 Reinhard Strohm, The Rise of European Music, 1380-1500 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 357–367. See also K. Polk, German Instrumental Music, 1992, p. 119. 158 R. Strohm, The Rise of European Music, 1380-1500, 1993, p. 7. 159 Ibid., p. 359. 160 Daniel Heartz, ‘Hoftantz and Basse Dance," Journal of the American Musicological Society 19, no. 1 (Spring 1966): p. 16: "It would be misleading to claim the alta capella as the only ensemble for high society's affairs, but no less so to ignore that it was by far the most prominent. As such its most important function seems to have been to provide music for what John Stevens so rightly calls the 'supreme courtly pastime'-the art of dancing.'" 161N. Schwindt, Maximilians Lieder, 2018, pp. 82–83. 162 H. Coffey, "Jousts and Dances for Philip," Musikleben des Spätmittelalters in der Region Österreich, accessed February 14, 2022. https://musical-life.net/kapitel/jousts-and-dances-philip. For example, a banquet in September concluded with a dance: "Là se firent les danses à la mode d’Allemaigne, aux tambourins de Suysses et trompettes, et mena le roy danser une des dames de la royne, où IIII ducs portoient les torses. Celle danse faillie, Monseigneur mena la royne danser, où IIII aultres grands maistres portoient les torses." Translation in English by Coffey: "There they danced in the German fashion, with Swiss tambourins and trumpets, and the King led one of the ladies of the Queen to the dance, while four dukes carried the torches. When this dance had ended, his Lordship led the Queen to the dance, and four other great lords carried the torches." 35 Keith Polk reasons that "the range of doubling by professional wind players had expanded to such a degree [1450–1520] that the civic ensembles were probably able to provide whatever timbres their audiences would have desired."163 The Weisskunig mummery woodcut (see Ill. 12) also shows that the flute and drum players could have been the sorts of multi- instrumentalists who were capable of such doubling and yet they were choosing to play the flute and drum.164 What could account for the high proportion of the flute and drum in the dance music of Freydal? One hypothesis to consider is that the instrumental combination was the preferred instrumentation for the specific dance of the mummery, the timbre of choice, and it would not have appeared so frequently for every dance. An inventory from 1589 in Stuttgart contains a long list of various flutes and itemizes "Vier gefüderte zwerch pfieffen so zu der mummerej zugebrauchen," or "four transverse flutes in a case to be used for mummeries."165 Although this is more than seventy years after Freydal, it is noteworthy for still associating transverse flutes with mummeries. This record shows that flutes played at mummeries were somehow different from other flutes, either in decoration, tuning, or design and therefore tone and polyphonic playing possibilities. However, since the flute and drum were known to accompany other dances such as the basse dances and branles, it is clear that the flute and drum were actually used for a variety of dances.166 Exactly how the mummeries looked and sounded, on the other hand, remains unclear. 163 K. Polk, German Instrumental Music, 1992, p. 113. 164 For references of Stadtpfeifer playing flute and drum, see N. Hadden, "From Swiss Flutes to Consorts," 2010, pp. 110–113. For a discussion on the Stadtpfeifer fresco on the Nürnberger Rathaus from 1520, see D. Hoffman- Axthelm, "Zu Ikonographie und Bedeutungsgeschichte von Flöte und Trommel," 1983, p. 96. 165 D. Lasocki, "A listing of Inventories," 2005, p. 475. 166 "Arbeau, Thoinot" [Jehan Tabourot], Orchésographie: Et traicte en forme de dialogue, par leqvel tovtes personnes pevvent facilement apprendre & practiquer l'honneste exercice des dances (Lengres: Iehan des Preyz, 1589). Although Arbeau writes from a different region and almost eighty years after Maximilian, Arbeau's clarity in recording the importance of the flute and drum in dance music Is worth noting here. 36 3.2 More than Military: Types of Flutes Not all transverse flutes were made the same way. In a 1566 inventory from the Fugger family in Augsburg, flutes of all sorts of materials are listed (olive, ebony, ivory, black wood) and, in addition, five flutes from a military fifer.167 Military flutes were different from other flutes. Boaz Berney has demonstrated, for example, that military flutes had a wider bore, a very thin wall and normally lacked the external tapering common on renaissance flutes.168 They are not easy to recognize, however, since "military fifes… [were] built in multiple sizes and housed in cases resembling those used for the 'civilian' instrument."169 One key to understanding military flutes is assessing whether more than one were meant to be played together; the surviving military flutes in Graz, though stored together in a single case, seem unlikely to have been played at the same time because of their conflicting pitches.170 One hundred years after Maximilian, Praetorius and Mersenne also mention the distinction of military flutes in terms of pitch and fingering. Nancy Hadden proposes that, in order to have been heard above the din of battle, military flutes would have needed to have been played in a different way from consort flutes: "Swiss flute playing was very different and required different playing techniques from consort playing. The music which soldiers played was monophonic – battle signals, marching music, dances, all performed from memory, with a large and very loud drum. For the flute to be heard in all of these situations surely necessitated playing in the highest octave, where the sound is loudest and most piercing. The need for being heard, coupled with the need for keeping in strict time for marching or dancing, or for imparting life-or-death signals on the field, points to a style of playing which was neither subtle nor complicated. 167 D. Lasocki, "A listing of Inventories," 2005, p. 454. 168 Boaz Berney, "Renaissance Transverse Flutes: A Re-examination of the Surviving Instruments," in Musicque de Joye: Proceedings of the International Symposium on the Renaissance Flute and Recorder Consort, Utrecht 2003, ed. David Lasocki (Utrecht: STIMU, 2005), p. 65. See also N. Hadden, "From Swiss Flutes to Consorts," 2010, p. 6. 169 H. Myers, "The musical miniatures of the ‘Triumphzug,’" 2007, p. 9. 170 B. Berney, "Renaissance Transverse Flutes," 2005, p. 65. 37 "Consort playing is the exact antithesis of this style. It requires playing of a subtle and delicate nature, by a group of two, three or four flautists, probably reading from notation, with an educated attention to the details of blend, tuning, applying the correct chromatic inflections, and musical phrasing."171 This detailed distinction between playing the military flute and flutes used for art music reveals differences in technique, repertoire, education, and performance practice, and one can agree that soldiers produced a different musical result than professional musicians did. The underlying question here is which category dance music fits into. In other words, could there be a courtly flute-and-drum ensemble that played with different instruments, techniques, and repertoire than they did on the battlefield? In the end, what separates functional music from art music? Grouping all military and dance music together under the broad category of functional music may leave out any delicacy, nuance, tuning, and phrasing that characterized some courtly dance music. Schwindt asserts that although there was generally no overlap of either personnel or music between the areas of war music and art music, for the genre of festive music, that is, music for dance, performance, or banquets, a mixed category emerged.172 The categories laid out by Hadden are fused in Maximilian's mummery music: the music is undoubtedly memorized, but played indoors, sometimes by groups of two or three flutists, if not more. Further evidence of a separate category for dance music is found in an instrument list drawn up by the Stadtpfeifer of Munich in 1544. It lists seven transverse flutes, one of which is called a Feldpfeife (military flute) and one a Tanzpfeife (dance flute). The others are listed without qualifiers.173 A payment record from as early as 1483 offers another hint noticed by Gstrein, which lists "Herzog Sigmund von mönchen ii pfeiffern und tantz pfeiffer."174 This listing of two "regular" Pfeiffer next two one specified dance Pfeiffer does not clarify what the differences are and yet implies a separate category for dance music. (See also the mention of "Vier gefüderte zwerch pfieffen so zu der mummerej zugebrauchen" in Chapter 3.1.) As much as it 171 N. Hadden, "From Swiss Flutes to Consorts," 2010, p. 133. 172 N. Schwindt, Maximilians Lieder, 2018, p. 81. 173 A. J. Becking, "Pfeifen und Flöten, Pfeifen oder Flöten," 2007, p. 27. 174 R. Gstrein, "Stadtpfeifer und fahrende Spielleute," 1992, p. 75. 38 would be nice to define exactly how a dance flute sounded, a look at the instruments in the iconography yields few clues. Bore size has been discussed in Chapter 2.2 insofar as how medieval flutes and renaissance flutes differed, but details about wall thickness and tapering are diffi